Job Market Challenges Revealed By Closing A California Oil Refinery

By: bitcoin ethereum news|2025/05/14 00:45:05
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The Valero refinery in Benicia, California, set to close in 2026. In other recent refinery closures ... More in California, few of the laid-off workers have found jobs at anywhere near their refinery wages. Last month, officials with Valero Energy announced they would be closing the company’s 170,000 barrels-per-day oil refinery in Benicia, California—a city of 25,000 residents, east of San Francisco. The plant, spread across 900 acres, employs over 400 workers, and is scheduled to close in April 2026. In the weeks since the announcement, state and regional officials have come forward to assure Benicia officials, local residents and workers that there will be a “just transition.” The workers will be provided with re-training and re-employment services to achieve “good jobs, quality jobs.” We’ll see. In California we’ve had experience with refinery closures over the past decade and “just transition”—a popular phrase of the Biden Administration. In these previous refinery closures, despite generous amounts of government funding for retraining and re-employment, few of the laid-off workers were able to obtain new jobs at anywhere near their previous wages, and a high number remained unemployed, more than a year after closure. The Valero and broader refinery story is timely, given the prominent role of manufacturing jobs in today’s economic debates. Retraining and reemployment of laid-off refinery and other manufacturing workers have proved to be far more difficult in practice than in the retraining theories of high profile journalists (Thomas Friedman) as well as economists with the Obama and Biden Administrations. The experiences suggest why policymakers might not be so cavalier going forward about refinery closures and other manufacturing closures. Only a Minority of Workers Find New Jobs at Anywhere Near Their Previous Wages The Valero plant is located in a part of East Contra Costa that for the past few decades has been site of several oil refineries. One of these refineries was the Marathon Oil refinery. In October 2020, the Marathon refinery shut down operations and laid off 345 unionized workers. The Contra Costa Country Workforce Development Board immediately responded with a series of re-employment and re-training services. An individualized employment plan was developed for each worker, incorporating skills and goals, and singling out skills that might be transferable to other occupations. Workers who sought training for new occupations were provided with such training at no cost, and also were provided with assistance in identifying and pursuing job openings. Additionally, the Contra Costa Board was assisted in re-employment activities by the California Federation of Labor Unions, which had its own Rapid Response unit, as well as by the United Steelworkers Local 5. Despite these expansive re-employment efforts, only a minority of the laid off workers were able to find jobs at anywhere near their former salaries. The University of California, Berkeley Labor Center tracked the shutdown and re-employment process, and surveyed laid-off workers. The Labor Center final report, issued in April 2023, noted that 14-16 months after the shutdown, 26% of the laid off workers were still not employed. Of those who had found jobs the job paid on average $12 per hour less than the average job at Marathon: the average hourly wage at Marathon was $50 per hour compared to a post layoff average wage of $38 per hour. Though East Contra Costa has been the hub of refinery activities in Northern California, the number of jobs in the remaining refineries was limited, and had been shrinking in the past decade. Much was made of transitioning workers in the “green economy”, but the number of these jobs in the Bay Area was small, and they paid far less than the Marathon and oil and gas jobs. Health care, business services and information technology were growing sectors in Contra Costa, but often not good fits for or of interest to the Marathon workers. Following the Valero announcement, Joe Garofoli, Senior Political Writer with the San Francisco Chronicle , contacted Benicia city officials as well as workers at the Valero plant. The officials emphasized the main role that Valero played in the city’s finances: of the city’s $60 million general fund budget, Valero contributed $7 million, and contributed another $2.9 million toward the city’s enterprise fund for water and wastewater. Garofoli profiled one long time worker at the plant, Mark Felsoci, 63, who had been a crane operator at the plant for 28 years. He was grateful for the job, which had enabled him to purchase a house in Benicia, achieve stable employment, and unlike many other crane operators not commute to multiple work sites. Felsoci told Garofoli that he had few hopes that he or other workers would find similar jobs. He singled out for criticism the idea that the Valero workers could be retrained for green economy jobs. “These guys that are putting up these solar panels or working in solar fields, they’re probably making half of what refinery workers do. They don’t get the benefits...You can transition to anything you want, but it’s going to pay way less than what you doing before.” Green Energy Jobs Are Few, with Lower Wages Kern County, the center of oil production in California, illustrates the big gap in number of jobs and wage levels between oil and gas jobs and green economy jobs. Kern, which stretches over 8100 square miles in the south Central Valley, is one of the state leaders in green energy. In 2020, it produced a quarter of the state’s total renewable energy in 2020, through its network of solar power generators and its 5000 wind turbines in the Tehachapi wind corridor. But this renewable energy production created only 543 jobs in 2020. This number amounted to less than 4% of the 16,223 direct jobs in oil and gas in 2020 (with nearly double that amount for the oil and gas sector counting suppliers and other jobs connected to oil production). The average wage of the direct jobs in oil and gas was $82,017 in 2019 while the average wage for green economy jobs in Kern was 40% lower , at $57,000. Phasing Out the Oil and Gas Industry in California: No Illusions Kern County employment in oil and gas has rebounded in the past few years with the rebound in worldwide oil prices. However, Kern officials know the future of oil and gas employment in the county, as well as statewide, is daunting. Since 2015, the oil and gas industry in California has been faced with California state government and politics aimed at phasing out fossil fuels: a lengthy moratorium on permits for new wells, more stringent air quality requirements, and general higher costs of doing business in the state. In announcing its closing, Valero described it as following “years of regulatory pressure, significant fines for air quality violations, and a recent lawsuit settlement related to environmental concerns.” Similar government policies were singled out by Phillips 66 officials when in October 2024 they announced the closing of the Phillips 66 refinery in Wilmington, Southern California. That refinery accounted for 8% of the state’s oil processing. That shutdown will result in layoffs for 600 direct workers by the end of this year. With the politics of oil and gas in California (the industry has been the main villain in state government for years), it may be that the industry can do nothing to reverse the trend of refinery closures. But at least as this process continues, there should be no illusions on any side about what can be expected for many of the laid-off workers–even with the sophisticated and well-funded re-employment systems in place. There should be no illusions about “just transition.” Source: https://www.forbes.com/sites/michaelbernick/2025/05/13/job-market-challenges-revealed-by-closing-a-california-oil-refinery/

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Before using Musk's "Western WeChat" X Chat, you need to understand these three questions

The X Chat will be available for download on the App Store this Friday. The media has already covered the feature list, including self-destructing messages, screenshot prevention, 481-person group chats, Grok integration, and registration without a phone number, positioning it as the "Western WeChat." However, there are three questions that have hardly been addressed in any reports.


There is a sentence on X's official help page that is still hanging there: "If malicious insiders or X itself cause encrypted conversations to be exposed through legal processes, both the sender and receiver will be completely unaware."


Question One: Is this encryption the same as Signal's encryption?


No. The difference lies in where the keys are stored.


In Signal's end-to-end encryption, the keys never leave your device. X, the court, or any external party does not hold your keys. Signal's servers have nothing to decrypt your messages; even if they were subpoenaed, they could only provide registration timestamps and last connection times, as evidenced by past subpoena records.


X Chat uses the Juicebox protocol. This solution divides the key into three parts, each stored on three servers operated by X. When recovering the key with a PIN code, the system retrieves these three shards from X's servers and recombines them. No matter how complex the PIN code is, X is the actual custodian of the key, not the user.


This is the technical background of the "help page sentence": because the key is on X's servers, X has the ability to respond to legal processes without the user's knowledge. Signal does not have this capability, not because of policy, but because it simply does not have the key.


The following illustration compares the security mechanisms of Signal, WhatsApp, Telegram, and X Chat along six dimensions. X Chat is the only one of the four where the platform holds the key and the only one without Forward Secrecy.


The significance of Forward Secrecy is that even if a key is compromised at a certain point in time, historical messages cannot be decrypted because each message has a unique key. Signal's Double Ratchet protocol automatically updates the key after each message, a mechanism lacking in X Chat.


After analyzing the X Chat architecture in June 2025, Johns Hopkins University cryptology professor Matthew Green commented, "If we judge XChat as an end-to-end encryption scheme, this seems like a pretty game-over type of vulnerability." He later added, "I would not trust this any more than I trust current unencrypted DMs."


From a September 2025 TechCrunch report to being live in April 2026, this architecture saw no changes.


In a February 9, 2026 tweet, Musk pledged to undergo rigorous security tests of X Chat before its launch on X Chat and to open source all the code.



As of the April 17 launch date, no independent third-party audit has been completed, there is no official code repository on GitHub, the App Store's privacy label reveals X Chat collects five or more categories of data including location, contact info, and search history, directly contradicting the marketing claim of "No Ads, No Trackers."


Issue 2: Does Grok know what you're messaging in private?


Not continuous monitoring, but a clear access point.


For every message on X Chat, users can long-press and select "Ask Grok." When this button is clicked, the message is delivered to Grok in plaintext, transitioning from encrypted to unencrypted at this stage.


This design is not a vulnerability but a feature. However, X Chat's privacy policy does not state whether this plaintext data will be used for Grok's model training or if Grok will store this conversation content. By actively clicking "Ask Grok," users are voluntarily removing the encryption protection of that message.


There is also a structural issue: How quickly will this button shift from an "optional feature" to a "default habit"? The higher the quality of Grok's replies, the more frequently users will rely on it, leading to an increase in the proportion of messages flowing out of encryption protection. The actual encryption strength of X Chat, in the long run, depends not only on the design of the Juicebox protocol but also on the frequency of user clicks on "Ask Grok."


Issue 3: Why is there no Android version?


X Chat's initial release only supports iOS, with the Android version simply stating "coming soon" without a timeline.


In the global smartphone market, Android holds about 73%, while iOS holds about 27% (IDC/Statista, 2025). Of WhatsApp's 3.14 billion monthly active users, 73% are on Android (according to Demand Sage). In India, WhatsApp covers 854 million users, with over 95% Android penetration. In Brazil, there are 148 million users, with 81% on Android, and in Indonesia, there are 112 million users, with 87% on Android.



WhatsApp's dominance in the global communication market is built on Android. Signal, with a monthly active user base of around 85 million, also relies mainly on privacy-conscious users in Android-dominant countries.


X Chat circumvented this battlefield, with two possible interpretations. One is technical debt; X Chat is built with Rust, and achieving cross-platform support is not easy, so prioritizing iOS may be an engineering constraint. The other is a strategic choice; with iOS holding a market share of nearly 55% in the U.S., X's core user base being in the U.S., prioritizing iOS means focusing on their core user base rather than engaging in direct competition with Android-dominated emerging markets and WhatsApp.


These two interpretations are not mutually exclusive, leading to the same result: X Chat's debut saw it willingly forfeit 73% of the global smartphone user base.


Elon Musk's "Super App"


This matter has been described by some: X Chat, along with X Money and Grok, forms a trifecta creating a closed-loop data system parallel to the existing infrastructure, similar in concept to the WeChat ecosystem. This assessment is not new, but with X Chat's launch, it's worth revisiting the schematic.



X Chat generates communication metadata, including information on who is talking to whom, for how long, and how frequently. This data flows into X's identity system. Part of the message content goes through the Ask Grok feature and enters Grok's processing chain. Financial transactions are handled by X Money: external public testing was completed in March, opening to the public in April, enabling fiat peer-to-peer transfers via Visa Direct. A senior Fireblocks executive confirmed plans for cryptocurrency payments to go live by the end of the year, holding money transmitter licenses in over 40 U.S. states currently.


Every WeChat feature operates within China's regulatory framework. Musk's system operates within Western regulatory frameworks, but he also serves as the head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). This is not a WeChat replica; it is a reenactment of the same logic under different political conditions.


The difference is that WeChat has never explicitly claimed to be "end-to-end encrypted" on its main interface, whereas X Chat does. "End-to-end encryption" in user perception means that no one, not even the platform, can see your messages. X Chat's architectural design does not meet this user expectation, but it uses this term.


X Chat consolidates the three data lines of "who this person is, who they are talking to, and where their money comes from and goes to" in one company's hands.


The help page sentence has never been just technical instructions.


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